On 11 February 2009, Morgan Richard Tsvangirai became the second Prime Minister of Zimbabwe since Independence. Robert Mugabe was Zimbabwe’s first Prime Minister, a position abolished in 1987 to make room for an executive presidency and unicameral parliament. 

Tsvangirai was inaugurated Prime Minister after protracted negotiations brokered by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and facilitated by South African President Thabo Mbeki.  Although Tsvangirai won the disputed first round of the 29 March Presidential election with 47.9% of the vote, he boycotted the mandated run-off after widespread violence against MDC supporters.

Urgent negotiations finally culminated in the Zimbabwean parliament unanimously passing  Constitutional Amendment 19 creating a transitional government and power-sharing arrangement between Robert Mugabe as President and Morgan Tsvangirai as Prime Minister. The Global Political Agreement signed on 15 September 2008 stipulated that, as Prime Minister, Tsvangirai serve as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and deputy chairman of Cabinet.  Tsvangirai was sworn in at State House in Harare on 11 February 2009.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai continues to serve as the President of the majority party in parliament, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Central to the vision of the MDC is (1) democratization, including a new people-driven constitution leading to free and fair elections and restoration of basic human rights and political and media freedoms, (2) humanitarian assistance to address the cholera crisis and chronic food shortages in particular, and (3)  economic stabilisation, ending corruption, abuse of state power and state institutions.

The Early Years in Politics

At Independence in 1980 at the age of 28, Tsvangirai joined ZANU PF. However, as he made his long climb to national power through the trade unions, sometimes at odds with Zimbabwean government policies, his relationship with ZANU PF deteriorated.

He began his association with the unions at Trojan Nickel Mine in Mashonaland Central from 1974 to 1984, rising from plant operator to general foreman. He became branch chairman of the Associated Mine Workers Union and was later elected to the executive of the National Mine Workers Union.

Leadership in the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions

In 1988 Tsvangirai was elected to the powerful position of Secretary General of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), an umbrella organization for the country’s trade unions.

In January 1998, food prices in Zimbabwe rose almost 40 percent, prompting riots in which eight people died and nearly 2000 were arrested, including Tsvangirai. The food riots were notable for the direct manner in which citizens expressed their displeasure with government which, until this time, was rarely confronted publicly.

In February 1999, the ZCTU convened more than 350 delegates from within its structures and representatives from other civic organizations nationwide at a National Working People’s Convention (NWPC). Its overall aim was to find a lasting solution to the economic challenges facing the country. The NWPC adopted the following declaration:

• "to identify and state the concerns, aspirations and priorities of the nation;
• to identify the strategies to address these national priorities;
• to unify working people around an agenda for action based on these strategies."

The NWPC further noted:

• “the disempowerment of the people and breach of the rule of law through state sponsored violence and abuse of human rights;
• the inability of the economy to address the basic needs of the majority of Zimbabweans;
• the severe decline in incomes, employment, health, food security and well being of people;
• the unfair burden borne by working women and the persistence of gender discrimination;
• the decline and, in some cases, collapse of public services;
• the lack of progress in resolving land hunger and rural investment needs;
• the weak growth in industry and marginalisation of the vast majority of the nation's entrepreneurs;
• the absence of a national constitution framed by and for the people;
• the persistence of regionalism, racism, and other divisions undermining national integration;
• widespread corruption and lack of public accountability in political and economic institutions.”

Birth of the Movement for Democratic Change

The NWPC noted that these resolutions would not be realised “without a strong, democratic, popularly driven and organised movement of the people.” A post-convention meeting was held in Harare 7-9 May 1999 which saw the birth of the MDC. The meeting declared that:

• “The MDC is a united front of Zimbabweans representing various interests and constituent organisations coming together to pursue common objectives and principles that advance the interests of all people in Zimbabwe (workers, professionals, women, peasants, the disabled and the unemployed).
• The MDC stands for the supremacy of the nation and its people, and rejects systems that prioritise the defence of leadership interests at the expense of the defence of people's interests.
• The MDC will aim to ensure that governance and national policies will be in the interests of all Zimbabweans. It will vigorously campaign for the democratisation of political processes and institutions in order to create an environment in which the electorate can make meaningful and informed choices.
• The MDC stands for social democratic, human centred development policies, pursued in an environment of political pluralism, participatory democracy, accountable and transparent governance. Development will take place in a manner that recognises equality of opportunity and treatment of all people in the building of a united, non-racial, non-sexist and non-ethnic democratic society.
• The MDC stands for a real people's constitution, written in a democratic, broad-based and participatory process involving all stakeholders, and accountable to a conference of elected representatives, civil and other social groups.
• The MDC will advance the participation of citizens and civil society in nation building through organs of participatory democracy that complement the existing forms of representative democracy - Parliament and the Executive.
• The MDC will advance development policies that invest in and develop the capabilities and opportunities of Zimbabweans, their national resources and infrastructure towards real sustainable long-term growth.”

On 11 September 1999 MDC was officially launched and its national executive elected. Executive management of the party until October 2005 included Morgan Tsvangirai (President) Isaac Matongo (Chairman), Gibson Sibanda (Vice President), Welshman Ncube (Secretary General), Gift Chimanikare (Deputy Secretary General) and Fletcher Dhulini (Treasurer).

Struggle for Constitutional Reform through the National Constitutional Assembly

Tsvangirai's road to leadership of the democratic movement had gained momentum when, in 1997, he was elected founding Chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), a broad-based movement established by church, civil society and human rights groups to demand a new people-driven constitution.  

In February 2000, under Tsvangirai’s chairmanship, NCA led the successful “No Vote” campaign against the 2000 constitutional referendum on increased powers to president. "Yes" votes received 45.32% and "no" votes 54.68%, a historic victory of Zimbabwean pro-democracy movement in civil society.

However, government-orchestrated violence, particularly against white farmers and tens of thousands of farmworkers, started immediately after the referendum defeat. This marked the beginning of a decade marked by severe political polarization and precipitous economic decline.

Leadership of the Movement for Democratic Change

In parliamentary elections held 24-25 June 2000, MDC won a historic 57 seats in Zimbabwe’s 120-seat parliament. ZANU PF won 63 seats. One independent seat was won by Ndabaningi Sithole. Throughout the country, violence against opposition candidates marred the contest. Tsvangirai lost his Buhera North contest to Kenneth Vhundukai Manyonda. This result was, however, set aside the High Court. Manyonda appealed to the Supreme Court but the matter was never heard before the court.

Local government elections throughout 2001 resulted in MDC winning a majority of Zimbabwe’s mayoral and city council races, including the capital city of Harare and the second largest city, Bulawayo. 

Tsvangirai stood as MDC’s candidate in the controversial Presidential election held 9-11 March 2002. Official reports had Robert Mugabe with 56.2% of the popular vote, and Morgan Tsvangirai at 42%

The highly polarized contest was marred by a media crackdown and state-sponsored violence against pro-democracy organisations especially the MDC. Political intimidation, media restrictions, and alleged computer manipulation of the voters roll led to widespread local and international concern about the legitimacy of the outcome. However, some regional organizations and the South African government delegation considered the results credible, while noting that the election was not free and fair.

In 2002, like other ZANU PF political opponents in Zimbabwe's post Independence history (Joshua Nkomo, Dumisa Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and Ndabaningi Sithole) Tsvangirai and MDC colleagues Welshman Ncube and Renson Gasela were charged with treason for an alleged assassination plot against President Mugabe. In 2004 Tsvangirai was acquitted. The others were acquitted in 2003.

In the 31 March 2005 parliamentary elections, 78 seats went to ZANU PF and 41 seats to MDC. The government refused to invite international observers from Europe or the United States and most foreign journalists were prohibited. Regional delegations from the African continent and others from China and Russia were invited, however.

In May 2005 the Zimbabwean Government launched Operation Murambatsvina, or Operation Drive out the Trash, in which poor Zimbabweans in urban areas had their homes destroyed in a purported effort to clear slums. Over 300,000 people were displaced without alternate accommodations being provided, forcing them to abandon cities and return to families in rural areas, where there were no jobs. The Operation focused almost exclusively on areas that were MDC strongholds, thus diluting MDC urban support when displaced persons fled to their rural home areas.

Five months later, a small formation of the MDC split from Tsvangirai over differences of opinion and procedure on whether to boycott Senate elections scheduled for 25 November 2005. Tsvangirai and his supporters believed that participation in a Senate election, a new body added to the then unicameral parliament, would only subject voters to more suffering and intimidation, and that the country's budget could not afford additional costs of a bicameral legislature

The break-away grouping of 14 members of parliament, led by MDC Vice President Gibson Sibanda and Secretary General Welshman Ncube, believed that voters wanted an opportunity to try to vote against ZANU PF, even if elections were badly flawed.

In March 2006, the MDC led by Tsvangirai held an extraordinary party congress and voted in an expanded executive standing committee: Lovemore Moyo (Chairman), Morgan Tsvangirai, (President), Thokozani Khupe (Vice President), Tendai Biti (Secretary General), Tapiwa Mashakada (Deputy Secretary General), Roy Bennett (Treasurer), Elton Mangoma (Deputy Treasurer), Elias Mudzuri (Organising Secretary), Morgan Komichi (Deputy Organising Secretary), Nelson Chamisa (Secretary for Information and Publicity), Theresa Makone (National Women Chairperson) and Tamsanqa Mahlangu (National  Youth Chairperson).  The National Standing  Committee is responsible for day-to-day party administration and  reports to the party's National Executive.  Members of the MDC Standing Committee, National Council, and their families have endured intimidation and attacks for several years.

On 11 March 2007, Tsvangirai was arrested while visiting a police station to inquire about political activists arrested enroute to a prayer rally in the Harare township of Highfield. Arriving at the Machipisa police station, Tsvangirai, too, was arrested, beaten and tortured by Zimbabwe special forces and along with other MDC members held for several days. These included Tendai Biti, MDC Secretary General, Tsvangirai’s presidential spokesperson, William Bango, NCA leader Lovemore Mudhuku, and two leading MDC women’s assembly members, Sekai Holland and Grace Kwinjeh.

Smuggled video images of a battered and badly injured Tsvangirai were broadcast around the world. The freelance cameraman who took the photos was later abducted from his home outside of Harare and his body discovered the following weekend.

On 25 January 2008, the Zimbabwean government gazetted 29 March 2008 as the date for “harmonized” presidential, House of Assembly, senate and local elections. Despite a very short campaign period, MDC won the presidential contest, a historic majority in parliament, and power in all major cities, towns and rural district councils.

In the House of Assembly contest, Tsvangirai’s MDC-T won 100 seats. ZANU PF won 99 and Mutambara’s MDC-M won 10. In the Senate election, ZANU PF won 41 seats, MDC-T won 24 seat and MDC-M won 6.

In the first round of the 2008 Presidential contest, Prime Minister Tsvangirai won 47.8% of the vote according to disputed official results while Robert Mugabe received 43.2% and Independent Simba Makoni 8.3%. Presidential results were released only on 2 May – a record 34 days after election day.

Zimbabwe’s electoral act provided that a winning candidate must gain over 50% of the votes cast or a run-off must be held. MDC agreed to contest the 29 June run-off despite the flawed counting process and delayed announcement of results. On 22 June, Tsvangirai pulled out of the run-off because of widespread violence and threats against him and his supporters. Robert Mugabe contested the 29 June run-off election unopposed.

On 22 July 2008, Tsvangirai met with Robert Mugabe for the first time in a decade, marking the beginning of lengthy discussions among top leadership of ZANU PF and MDC to resolve issues related to the disputed election.

Facilitated by the then South African President Thabo Mbeki, the negotiations culminated in a political agreement on 11 September 2008. On 15 September 2008, several SADC leaders witnessed the signing in Harare of the power-sharing agreement between Mr. Tsvangirai, Professor Mutambara and President Robert Mugabe, known as the “Global Political Agreement” which led to to the formation of Zimbabwe's current transitional government. 

Prime Minister Tsvangirai was born on 10 March 1952, in the Gutu area south of Harare. The son of a bricklayer, he is the eldest of nine children. After leaving school early to support his family, Tsvangirai started working in Zimbabwe mines. In 2001 he attended the executive leadership programme at Harvard University. During his political career, Tsvangirai has survived several assassination attempts, the first being in 1997 when unidentified assailants attempted to throw him out of the window of a Harare office building. In 2001 Tsvangirai was awarded the prestigious Solidar Silver Rose Award for outstanding achievement by an individual or organization in the activities of civil society and in bringing about a fairer and more just society. His current rural home is Buhera, 220 miles south east of Harare.

In 1978, he married the late Susan Mhundwa, who was affectionately known as “amai President." Mrs. Tsvangirai died on 6 March 2009 in a tragic road collision enroute to Buhera that also injured the Prime Minister. They have six children -- Edwin, Garikai, Vimbai, Rumbidzai, twins Milcent and Vincent, and one grandchild Gamuchirai. Their youngest grandchild, 30-month old Shawn, son of Garikai, drowned on 4 April 2009.